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- Introduction to Bioorganic Chemistry and Chemical Biology.
- What Can ASEAN Learn from the People's Republic of China's Poverty Reduction Strategy?.
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- Album for the Young, Op. 138, Book 2, Nos. 9 - 15!
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- THE RELUCTANT CORPSE A Short Story?
- Global Extreme Poverty.
Very Good : A book that does not look new and has been read but is in excellent condition. Shipped to over one million happy customers. Poverty Strategies in Asia is an examination of a wide range of measures aimed at reducing poverty in the region.
It is widely recognized that while high and sustained economic growth is critical for poverty reduction, there are other policy interventions that may also be significant in a 'growth plus' approach to poverty reduction. This volume brings together a series of case studies on the poverty impact of alternative interventions in a broad range of Asian economies.
The measures examined within the book cover trade liberalization both in general and in a specific market, infrastructure investment particularly in roads , population policies, cash transfers, microfinance, employment guarantee programs and contract farming. While the results illustrated by the contributors are mixed, they demonstrate the potential for further progress in poverty reduction.
This latest joint publication by the ADBI and Edward Elgar Publishing will be warmly welcomed by scholars and researchers of Asian studies and development. Professional economists within international and bilateral development agencies and policymakers will also find much to engage them.
Contents:ForewordPeter McCawley1. Khan and John Weiss2. Orbeta Jr7. Arif, J. Cai, C. Cororaton, H. Jalilian, H. Khan, P. Leung, H.
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Fiszbein and Schady 44 provide a comprehensive analysis of the evidence. As a result, they have resulted in sometimes substantial reductions in poverty among beneficiaries—especially when the transfer has been generous, well targeted, and structured in a way that does not discourage recipients from taking other actions to escape poverty. As the last part of the conclusion above notes, a common concern among policymakers is that welfare programs can potentially discourage work—in fact, this is a concern that is shared by policymakers in both low- and high-income countries.
Banerjee et al. The chart below provides a graphical summary of their main findings. In the top panel, the authors graph the employment rate for all eligible adults in both the control and treatment arms for each evaluation.zaimaferato.ga
The bottom panel replicates the one above, but for hours of work. As we can see, the overall figures for both employment and hours of work are similar across treatment and control in all of the evaluated programs and do not statistically differ. Growing international trade has changed our world drastically over the last couple of centuries. One particular effect has been a substantial increase in the demand for industrial manufacturing workers in low income countries, mainly due to the rise in offshoring of low-skilled jobs. A common argument put forward is that these industrial manufacturing jobs are a powerful instrument for reducing poverty, even if salaries tend to be very low by the standards of rich countries.
A more careful analysis of the argument reveals a complex reality. On the one hand, low skilled industrial jobs do provide a formal, steady source of income, so it is possible that they raise incomes and reduce poverty. Yet, on the other hand, these jobs tend to be unpleasant and very poorly paid opportunities even by the standards of low income countries. To answer this question, Blattman and Dercon 46 ran a policy experiment in Ethiopia.
They were able to convince five factories to hire people at random from a group of consenting participants, and then tracked the effects on their incomes and health. They find that these low-skill industrial jobs paid more than the alternatives available to a substantial fraction of workers; but at the same time, they had adverse health effects and did not offer a long-term solution—most applicants quit the formal sector quickly, finding industrial jobs unpleasant and risky. But it does suggest that while low-skilled industrial jobs may improve consumption opportunities, providing a short-term safety net, they may do so at important costs in other dimensions of well-being.
This reaffirms the importance of measuring poverty beyond just income and consumption, and of maintaining a nuanced understanding of how global living conditions change. Countries where more people live in extreme poverty tend to have particularly bad health outcomes. The following visualization provides evidence of this relationship. It shows life expectancy at birth on the vertical axis, against poverty rates for a poverty line equivalent to 3.
The button at the bottom allows you to change the reference years, so that you can see how these two variables covary across time. As we can see, there is a clear negative relationship: people tend to live longer in countries where poverty is less common. Yet the correlation is far from perfect—some countries such as South Africa have a relatively low life expectancy in comparison to other countries with similar poverty rates. This reinforces the importance of thinking about deprivation beyond income and consumption.
Above we showed that poverty correlates with health. Here, we provide evidence of another important correlate: education. As before, the button at the bottom allows you to change the reference years, so that you can see how these two variables covary across time. As we can see, there is once again a clear negative relationship: poverty tends to be more frequent in countries where education is less developed. As we discussed above, there is also household-level evidence of this correlation—schooling is one of the strongest predictors of economic well-being, even after controlling for other household characteristics.
The most straightforward way to measure poverty is to set a poverty line and count the number of people living with incomes or consumption levels below that poverty line and divide the number of poor people by the entire population. This is the poverty headcount ratio. Measuring poverty through the headcount ratio provides information that is straightforward to interpret; it tells us the share of the population living with consumption or incomes below the poverty line are.
But measuring poverty through headcount ratios fails to capture the intensity of poverty — individuals with consumption levels marginally below the poverty line are counted as being poor just as individuals with consumption levels much further below the poverty line. The poverty gap index is an alternative way of measuring poverty that considers the intensity of deprivation.
The most common way to measure the intensity of poverty is to calculate the amount of money required by a poor person to just reach the poverty line. This is the mean shortfall from the poverty line. The poverty gap index is often used in policy discussions because it has an intuitive unit per cent mean shortfall that allows for meaningful comparisons regarding the relative intensity of poverty.
Absolute poverty is measured relative to a fixed standard of living; that is, an income threshold that is constant across time. Absolute poverty measures are often used to compare poverty between countries and then they are not just held constant over time, but also across countries. The International Poverty Line is the best known poverty line for measuring absolute poverty globally. Some countries also use absolute poverty measures on a national level. These measures are anchored so that comparisons relative to a minimum consumption or income level over time are possible.
Relative Poverty , on the other hand, is measured relative to living standards in a particular society, and varies both across time and between societies. The idea behind measuring poverty in relative terms is that the degree of deprivation depends on the relevant reference group; hence, people are typically considered poor by this standard if they have less income and opportunities than other individuals living in the same society.
In most cases, relative poverty is measured with respect to a poverty line that is defined relative to the median income in the corresponding country. This poverty line defines people as poor if their income is below a certain fraction of the income of the person in the middle of the income distribution. Because of this, relative poverty can be considered a metric of inequality —it measures the distance between those in the middle and those at the bottom of the income distribution. Relative poverty can be measured using the poverty headcount ratio and the poverty gap index.
Poverty Reduction Policies and Practices in Developing Asia
Indeed, these indicators are common in Europe. Historical estimates of poverty come from academic studies that reconstruct past income and consumption levels by estimating economic output and inequality for the time before household surveys became available. A seminal paper following this approach and estimating global poverty figures from onward is Bourguignon and Morrison Their work is the source of the poverty estimates for the time to shown above.
The change in extreme poverty is then calculated via changes in the share of the world population with incomes below the poverty line, according to the corresponding estimated distribution of incomes. Bourguignon and Morrison rely on three types of data in order to estimate the distributions of income: economic output real GDP per capita , population, and inequality.